01 April, 2016

Sir Richard Damory

I wrote a post a while ago about a plot to free some Contrariants from prison in 1323, and mentioned Edward II's then household steward, Sir Richard Damory. Rather curiously, there's no page on the English Wikipedia about Richard, but there is on the German one. Here's a post about him.

Richard was the elder brother of Edward II's favourite Sir Roger Damory, who came to prominence in the middle years of Edward's reign. The men were the sons - apparently the only two - of Sir Robert Damory of Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire, himself the son of Roger Damory the elder, who was still alive on 27 May 1281 when Edward I gave him a gift of four bucks from the forest of Whittlewood. (CCR 1279-88, p. 86) The Damory family was associated with Henry III's brother Richard, earl of Cornwall (died 1272) and his son Edmund (d. 1300): Roger the elder and his son and heir Robert witnessed the men's charters, and Robert travelled overseas with Edmund in 1280. Robert died shortly after 12 July 1285, leaving his elder son Richard as his heir, his younger son Roger, a widow Juliana, who held a third of the Buckinghamshire manor of Thornborough as part of her dower, and a daughter Katherine, who married Sir Walter le Poer or Poure of Oxfordshire. The dates of birth of the Damory brothers are not known; if I had to guess, I'd say Richard was born around the mid to late 1270s (he was summoned for military service for the first time in 1297), and Roger perhaps in the early to mid 1280s, not too long before their father Robert died in 1285. The Damorys came from a long line of Damorys, knights of Oxfordshire. As far as I can tell, the line goes like this (going backwards in time from son to father): Richard and Roger - Robert, d. 1285 - Roger, d. c. 1281 - Robert, sheriff of Oxfordshire and constable of Oxford Castle, d. c. 1236 - Robert, d. c. 1205 (he had brothers called Richard and Roger) - Ralph, d. c. 1187 - Roger, active in the 1130s and 1140s - Robert, d. c. 1139. We can see from this that the Damory men were extremely fond of names beginning with R. They were a solid knightly family who held the manors of Bucknell and Bletchingdon (both in Oxfordshire) for many generations, were not of the highest nobility or particularly rich, but had a good name stretching back centuries: the Robert who died in or around 1139 may have been the son or grandson of Gilbert, who held the manor of Bucknell in 1086, according to the Domesday Book. (But as Gilbert wasn't called Roger, Richard, Robert or Ralph, he probably wasn't allowed to be a Damory, haha.)

In the last years of Edward I's reign and at the beginning of Edward II's, the elder brother Richard Damory was far more prominent than his brother Roger, being appointed keeper of the peace in Oxfordshire in 1300 and forester for life of the forest of Whittlewood in 1310, and most significantly, constable of the castle of Oxford in April 1308 at a time when Edward II was transferring the custody of key royal castles to men he trusted; the threat of civil war was then imminent thanks to the king's excessive favour towards Piers Gaveston. Edward also re-appointed Richard as keeper of the peace in Oxfordshire at this time, and Richard witnessed Piers' grant of two of his Oxfordshire manors to the king. In the aftermath of Piers Gaveston's death in the summer of 1312, Edward appointed Richard as commissioner of array in Oxfordshire when the possibility of civil war once more loomed. He was also sheriff of Berkshire. (For Oxford Castle, see CFR 1307-1319, p. 21; keeper of the peace, CPR 1292-1301, p. 516, CPR 1307-1313, p. 54, CCR 1307-1313, p. 205, Chancery Warrants 1244-1326, p. 111; forester of Whittlewood, CPR 1307-1313, pp. 223, 449, 571, Chancery Warrants 1244-1326, p. 312; Piers Gaveston's grant, CCR 1307-1313, p. 65; commissioner of array, CPR 1307-1313, p. 486; Berkshire, Chancery Warrants 1244- 1326, p. 366.)

The overall picture of Sir Richard Damory is of a dependable and highly competent knight, soldier and administrator, loyal to the king, a man whom Edward II trusted. And the rise of Sir Roger Damory in Edward II's affections in and after 1315, and particularly his marriage to the king's widowed niece Elizabeth de Clare in 1317 - the greatest gift Edward had in his possession - also led to an increase of royal favours towards his elder brother Sir Richard Damory. At New Year 1318, Richard was one of twenty-five knights who received a silver goblet, valued at seven pounds, from the king. (Stapleton, 'Brief Summary', p. 344) Sometime before 11 April 1318, Richard was appointed 'keeper of the body of my lord Sir Edward, earl of Chester'; that is, he became the guardian of Edward II and Isabella of France's elder son the future Edward III. (Chancery Warrants 1244-1326, p. 485) On the same day as this appointment is mentioned, Richard and three other men were appointed to enquire into negligence and extortions committed by officials in Cheshire and North Wales. (CPR 1317-21, p. 134) In 1300, Richard had been a member of the household of Humphrey de Bohun, earl of Hereford, who became Edward of Caernarfon's brother-in-law in 1302 when he married Edward's sister Elizabeth. (Ibid., p. 111) After the death of Guy Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, in August 1315, Edward appointed Richard keeper of his castles of Warwick and Elmley. (Ibid., pp. 425, 432) Richard also owned the manor of Ubley in Somerset, which in 1313 was attacked and robbed by a group of men, and some of Richard's goods and his trees stolen. (Patent Rolls 1307-13, p. 601; Ibid. 1313-17, pp. 64, 67, 246) The legal process relating to this attack dragged on and on, and in December 1314 some of the thieves were said to be Ralph Gorges (a knight of the Despensers) and a parson.

Richard Damory's years of favour seemed to come to an end when his brother Roger, edged out of the king's affections by Hugh Despenser the Younger, joined the Contrariant rebellion against Edward in 1321/22. Roger died on 12 March 1322 of wounds sustained while fighting against Edward's army, leaving his widow, the king's niece Elizabeth de Clare, and his only legitimate child and heir Elizabeth Damory. Edward II, who could be remarkably vindictive and spiteful, and despite Richard Damory's many years of service and loyalty to him and his son, ordered the sheriff of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire and the sheriff of Oxfordshire and Berkshire on 16 February 1322 to arrest him. This was done apparently for no other reason than Edward suspected Richard of joining his brother's rebellion, which he had not. The sheriff of Oxfordshire soon found Richard and arrested him; on 26 February 1322, only ten days after the order, Richard was sent to Banbury Castle to be imprisoned, and granted 'reasonable maintenance' for as long as he should remain there. (CCR 1318-23, pp. 421, 425) On 19 February 1322, the sheriffs of Oxfordshire and Berkshire, Somerset and Dorset and Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire, and the mayor and bailiffs of Bristol, were ordered to seize all his lands, goods and chattels. (CFR 1319-27, p. 99) Richard was, however, soon released and his lands and goods restored to him, on 16 March 1322 (the day of the battle of Boroughbridge). (CCR 1323-27, p. 51) Presumably he had successfully protested his innocence and lack of involvement in his brother's treason. In July 1322, Edward II even appointed Richard as steward of his household, a position he held until May 1325; there were no hard feelings on Edward's side, at least, though I'm not sure about Richard's. He was appointed justice of Chester and North Wales by Edward II sometime before 2 March 1326, and confirmed in the position on 12 December 1326, which was after Queen Isabella's invasion and when Edward II was in captivity; this suggests that Richard Damory had supported Isabella, or at least had nothing done anything to hinder her. (CCR 1323-7, pp. 450, 626; CPR 1324-7, p. 338) Richard still held this position in the summer of 1327, when he was ordered to arrest the Dunheved brothers Thomas and Stephen and their allies, who were causing mayhem in Chester and who shortly afterwards temporarily freed Edward from Berkeley Castle.

Sir Richard Damory was married to a woman called Margaret or Margery, whose identity I don't know (if anyone does, please do tell me!). He died shortly before 1 September 1330, probably in his early fifties or so, leaving his son Richard (of course) as his heir. Richard the elder didn't live quite long enough to see Edward III, whose guardian he had once been, overthrow his mother and Roger Mortimer on 19 October 1330. The younger Richard was said in his father's IPM of 1330 to be 'aged sixteen years and more', so was born in about 1314. (CIPM 1327-36, pp. 202-3; see also CFR 1327-37. pp. 192, 203) Richard the younger was granted possession of his lands after coming of age (twenty-one) and swearing homage to the king in January 1337; his mother Margaret was still alive then, and Richard himself lived until 1375. (CCR 1333-7, p. 640)

A knight of later in the fourteenth century, who was very high in Edward III's favour, was Sir Nicholas Damory. He also served for many years in the household of Roger Damory's widow Elizabeth de Clare, Edward III's first cousin. Elizabeth's biographer France Underhill (For Her Good Estate, p. 186 note 67) suggests that Nicholas was a first cousin of Richard Damory (d. 1330)'s son Richard (d. 1375), which would make him either the son of another Damory brother who does not appear on record at all, which seems unlikely, or Roger Damory's illegitimate son (he can't have been legitimate if he was Roger's son, as Roger's heir was his daughter Elizabeth, Lady Bardolf, his only surviving legitimate child). Another member of Elizabeth de Clare's household in the 1330s was a young Roger Damory, perhaps Nicholas's brother, perhaps another illegitimate son of Roger (d. 1322), perhaps even an illegitimate son of Roger's brother Richard. It would be great if I could work out the correct family tree of the Damorys; they're a family who interest me a lot.

24 March, 2016

New History Books 2016

Lots of great historical non-fiction is due out in 2016.

There's a new book about Edward II out on 29 September! Wow. It's called Edward II: The Terrors of Kingship and it's by Professor Chris Given-Wilson, an excellent historian. The blurb sounds pretty awful - "After twenty ruinous years, betrayed and abandoned by most of his nobles and by his wife and her lover, Edward was imprisoned in Berkeley Castle where he was murdered", oh dear - but then, blurbs often have little to do with the actual book (the 'About the Author' on Amazon for my Isabella book says that I 'wrote the first biography of Isabella's husband' - errrm no). This book is part of the Penguin Monarchs series, hence is only 112 pages long.

Professor Given-Wilson's biography of Henry IV came out on 2 February this year.

On 26 May, there's a new book about Edward III by Jonathan Sumption, author of a magnificent series about the Hundred Years War: Edward III: A Heroic Failure. It's also a short Penguin Monarchs book.

Already out since 14 January 2016, a biography of Edward II's brilliant uncle King Alfonso X of Castile and Leon by Simon R. Doubleday, Wise King. Can't wait to read this one. I hope that some day soon someone writes a biography in English of Edward's grandfather Fernando III.

Also already out since January, Mary McGrigor's The Sister Queens, the story of Isabelle and Catherine de Valois, daughters of Charles VI of France, who married Richard II and Henry V respectively. Such an excellent idea for a book.

My friend Kasia's area of expertise: Matthew Strickland's Henry the Young King 1155-1183 is out on 18 May.

Henry the Young King's nephew-in-law the future Louis VIII of France invaded England in 1216 near the end of the reign of Henry's youngest brother King John; to mark the 800th anniversary of the dramatic invasion this year, Catherine Hanley has written a book about Louis, out on 5 April.

Does the world really need yet another book about Richard III? I'm not sure, but we're getting one on 8 September, by Chris Skidmore.

A. J. Pollard's Edward IV: The Summer King is out on 28 July. There's also Edward IV: Glorious Son of York by Jeffrey James, published in September 2015.

And finally, on 1 February next year, there's a new bio of Edward I by Andy King, called Edward I: A Second Arthur?

19 March, 2016

Even More Cool Names

The latest post in my series of cool names! See also here, here, here and here. These are all actual names I've found in the chancery rolls of the late thirteenth century (Edward I's reign rather than Edward II's).

Sewell le Foun

Ascelina de Barewe

Hamo Extraneus

Conrald Conrad

Basilia la Peyrenesse

Deucaytus Guillielmi

Letitia de Lovedale

Felicia de Boninghal

Atricius Anlucus

Bathe le Pestur and Wymer le Pestur ('le pestur' means 'the baker')

Elias Body

Fretheburga Saxi

Tephania Morwik

Jenkin Bonnak

Jonkin Kat

Warin de Fraxino

Mabel de Boweles

Hagyn Cok

Richard de Bosco Reardi

Tassard de Clusis

Laderana de Belewe (also spelt Laderina, Ladrana, Ladereyna etc)

Dionisia Boskedek

Gersenta Bulloc

Clori Laske

Manettus Bechi

Wosselin Fox

Robert, John and Thomas Fuk

Walter Fuket

Burgia le Forcer

Terricus le Alemand ('the German')

Wymarc de Appolony

Enga de la Bere

Coypnus Bonavita

Intherius Buchard

Clemencia and Dametta Burd (sisters)

Walkelyn de Cadyhou

John Escu de mort. This literally means 'Shield of death' in French; very curious. John was a mainpernor (i.e. guarantor) of a debt of twenty pounds by one Robert Burdon to Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, in 1279.

Mazera de Clinton

Eudo Jop

Mariota Dilewyn

Warner de Engayne (ooooh! My last name used as a first name in 1279!)

Aylei Gogard

Sapiencia de Karliolo (i.e. Carlisle)

Rametta daughter of Thomas son of William

Orlandinus de Podio

Luke de Luke (this probably means Luca or Lucas of Lucca in Italy, but it still looks funny)

Equilinus de Bleyves

Amice Masco

Remigius de Meaudlingg

Joceus Mestre

John de Treys Chasteus ('of three castles')

Goda de Norfolkia

Odo de Pelecot

Amabilla de Pemilbury

Brunus del Pek

Bitherus Pesse

Gerinus de Sancto Egidio ('of Saint Giles')

Clarus Felyng

Godard Grapays

Wyottus le Carpenter

Edward Spitty

Jospinus Deulegard

Swetiva of-the-Stathe (who in or before 1274 murdered a man named Augustine Spurnewater in Norwich)

Walter Attetouneshende (i.e. 'at town's end')

Eufrasia de Braunford

Mathia de Stok

Sweyn de Haton

Wlsi Horiballok (I can't make head nor tail of that first name; I assume it's a foreign name which an English scribe had no idea how to spell)

Drogo de la Byri

Hamund Melepuf

Hamo Mogge

Richer Prat

:-)

15 March, 2016

Isabella of France: The Rebel Queen

My new book Isabella of France: The Rebel Queen has now been released! In Europe, at least, though I'm afraid you're going to have to wait until 19 May to get it in the US (unless you order it from Book Depository, which has free worldwide delivery). Here are some links:

Amazon UK
Book Depository
Waterstone's
Directly from Amberley

And it's listed on Goodreads. Also out today is my friend Kristie Dean's book On The Trail of the Yorks! Congrats to Kristie on her second book.

I hope you enjoy my take on Isabella. If you've read my Edward book, you'll know that I demolish many myths which have been invented about him over the centuries and which many people assume are factual, and I do the same with Isabella. I've gone right back to the sources to tell an account of Isabella's life which is as accurate as possible and unencumbered by silly inventions of many centuries later, such as Edward giving her wedding gifts to Piers Gaveston (invented in the nineteenth century) and removing her children from her (invented in the late 1970s). It's currently in the top five bestsellers in three categories on Amazon. Many thanks to everyone who's bought it, and many thanks to all my blog and book readers for your kind support!



Here's a little snippet to whet your appetite :-)


Happy reading!

12 March, 2016

Edward II Digs Ditches

I've written before about Edward II's 'rustic' pursuits such as digging ditches, thatching roofs, doing metalwork and so on. Several fourteenth-century chroniclers commented (usually rather scathingly) on Edward's hobbies, and they seem to have been widely known. Lanercost, for example, says "from his youth he devoted himself in private to the art of rowing and driving carts, of digging ditches and thatching houses, as was commonly said, and also with his companions at night to various works of ingenuity and skill, and to other pointless trivial occupations unsuitable for the son of a king." Edward's willingness to "give himself up always to improper works and occupations" was deemed important enough to be mentioned many years later as one of the reasons for his unsuitability to be king, not only because such occupations were considered incompatible with his royal dignity, but because they led him "to neglect the business of his kingdom." His rustic pursuits caused exasperation with the king among his subjects; the Vita Edwardi Secundi (whose author was a royal clerk who knew the king well) says that if Edward had devoted the same time to military matters as he did to his hobbies, he would have raised England's name aloft. A member of Edward's own household in 1314 was arrested for saying that Edward lost the battle of Bannockburn that year because he wasted time digging ditches rather than hearing Mass, though failed to explain how that would have helped Edward defeat Robert Bruce. Many contemporaries realised that Edward was not stupid and incompetent, but expanded his energies in other areas rather than ruling his kingdom. The Scalacronica is one exception to the scathing commentary, and says that Edward was "very skilful in what he delighted to employ his hands upon."

In his 2010 biography of Edward, Professor Seymour Phillips wrote (p. 72) "There is no direct evidence to support the claims about Edward II's interest in hedging and ditching...". Well, there is now, because I've found some (see my 2014 The Unconventional King, pp. 213-4). I've gone through SAL MS 122, a manuscript now held in the library of the Society of Antiquaries in London, which is the last account of Edward's chamber and the only one which survives intact (none exist at all until 1322, then only in fragments until May 1325 to October 1326).

On 15 July 1326, Edward II was staying at his Westminster cottage of Borgoyne or Burgundy, where he spent much time near the end of his reign with only a few attendants, shunning his more luxurious accommodation in and around London. Twenty-six ditch-diggers "who are with the abbot of Westminster" and whose mestre was called Thomas de la Bruer or Brewere were hired to clean the ditches around the cottage on that day, and did so in the king's presence. Edward rather kindly bought drinks for the men, presumably ale. It was probably very hot that day: two chronicles, Annales Paulini and the French Chronicle of London, talk about the drought and the "great want of water" in England in the summer of 1326, and the heat and dryness apparently caused conflagrations; towns and abbeys burned. OK, this is not in itself proof that Edward II himself was digging (or even cleaning) ditches, but he was watching the men do it, which does at least imply an interest in their job. In November 1322, he stood by a river near Doncaster to watch ten men fishing. It's hard to think of another medieval king of England who would have taken an interest in watching men fishing and cleaning ditches.

And there's an even better entry in Edward's last chamber account a few weeks later. In August 1326, Edward was staying at the royal manor of Clarendon in Wiltshire. He hired twenty-two men for eighteen days to make some kind of enclosure involving hedges and a ditch in the park of Clarendon; they each received two pence a day for the work plus presumably food and drink. A few days later, all thirty-three of Edward's portours (porters, though that's not a great translation - they're sometimes called valletz or valets) of the chamber, including presumably the two women he'd hired in this role at the same wages as the men, were also ordered to help with the park enclosure and hedges. Very cutely, the men and two women toiling in the heat of drought-ridden 1326 England were provided with ale by a local resident. I so love details like this; doesn't it bring people of the distant past to life and make them real? There's another entry in this chamber journal where Edward II, riding close to the royal palace of Sheen in late July 1326, gave a man he encountered six pence for bringing him fresh water from a well; this is surely also an indication of the heat.

Anyway, the first entry about the twenty-two men making the enclosure at Clarendon is the relevant one. What's so great is that Edward II himself was obviously down in the ditch or trench, helping out. We know this because he encountered one of the workmen, whose name was Gibbe (nickname for Gilbert) and who had very shabby shoes on, perhaps even no shoes at all. Gibbe is called a garson, 'boy', in fact. Noticing this situation, the king borrowed twelve pence from his servant Elis Pek to give to Gibbe to buy himself new shoes, and reimbursed the money a little later (kings didn't carry cash around themselves, after all!). This entry actually refers to Edward II being in the trench himself. There's also a reference at this time to men of the king's household cutting something (I can't figure out the word) for the hedges "in the presence of the king." So here's Edward again watching people doing physical labour, and in some way joining in.

So yes. There is a very good reason why I call Edward II 'the unconventional king'. Edward was like, jousting, naaah, boring. Jumping into a ditch to help out? Watching men fishing and cleanihg ditches and preparing wood? Now you're talking!

06 March, 2016

Hugh Despenser the Younger Rescues Margaret Badlesmere, 1319

Firstly, credit must go where it's due: it was Lady D who brought this incident in the Patent Rolls to my attention a few years ago, and she herself has written a blog post about it. I've been meaning to write a post about it for years too, but somehow didn't get round to it until now. It's an incident which shows Hugh Despenser the Younger in a rather better light than most of his actions do.

On 6 and 10 December 1319, when Edward II was in York and at the royal manor of Burstwick near Hull, the following entries were recorded on the Patent Roll: "Commission of oyer and terminer ['to hear and to determine'] to Robert de Maddyngle, John de Bousser, and Geoffrey de la Lee on complaint by Bartholomew de Badelesmere that [list of dozens of men's and several women's names], with others, took and carried away his goods at Chesthunt, co. Hertford, and assaulted [ten men's names], his servants." Also "The like to Robert de Maddyngle, John Bousser and Geoffrey de la Lee on complaint by Bartholomew de Badelesmere and Margaret, his wife, that John Jonesservant, etc as set forth above, having approached a messuage at Chestehunte, co. Hertford, wherein the said Margaret was lodging, assaulted her and her servants, and imprisoned and besieged them until Hugh le Despenser, the younger, on the following day rescued them." The third entry is similar, adds a few more names, and comments that this large group of people "having gone by night to a messuage [i.e. a house with outbuildings] at Chesthunt, co. Hertford, wherein the said Margaret was lodged, made an attack upon her and on the men and servants of the said Bartholomew, besieged them therein, until Hugh le Despenser the younger on the following day rescued them" and that they "besieged and imprisoned her therein until she should have made a fine of 100l [pounds] with them." [Calendar of Patent Rolls 1317-21, pp. 467-8, 473]

Bartholomew Badlesmere was a high-ranking baron of Kent who became the steward of Edward II's household in October 1318 and who in April 1322 suffered the traitor's death for taking part in the Contrariant rebellion against Edward, the poor man. His wife was Margaret de Clare, sister and co-heir, with her sister Maud, Lady Clifford, of Gilbert de Clare, lord of Thomond (1281-1307). Hugh Despenser the Younger was married to Margaret's first cousin Eleanor de Clare, daughter of Gilbert 'the Red' de Clare, earl of Gloucester, who was the older brother of Margaret de Clare Badlesmere's father Thomas. At the time of the incident in 1319, Bartholomew Badlesmere was Edward II's steward and was thus in an excellent position to ask the king to do something about his wife's appalling experience. Hugh Despenser the Younger was Edward's chamberlain. The two men, cousins by marriage, were thus the two most important secular members of the king's household.

We have no exact date when the unfortunate Margaret Badlesmere was imprisoned overnight by fifty or more people at Cheshunt in Hertfordshire, but as her husband was the king's steward when this happened to her, and as her rescuer was the king's chamberlain, I can't imagine too much time had passed between her imprisonment and Edward ordering an investigation into it. Edward II spent the first half of 1319 in and close to York; in August he was in and around Newcastle and in September led the unsuccessful siege of Berwick-on-Tweed; after a short visit to Durham he was back in York by early October, and stayed there and in Lincolnshire and Burstwick for the rest of the year. Edward didn't go anywhere near the south of England in the whole of 1319, so it seems that Hugh Despenser the Younger must have been a good way away from him at some point that year. I've found from my own research that in 1325/26 Hugh was also often away from Edward, far more than you might expect, which is an interesting revelation. In 1319 he was rising more and more in the king's favour, ousting Roger Damory, and I find it quite surprising that he was so far away from Edward during this period of jockeying for power and the king's favour. Hugh was definitely present at the siege of Berwick in September 1319, when he sent a letter (Hugh was an enthusiastic correspondent) to the sheriff of Glamorgan telling him "we doubt that things will go as well for our side as is necessary," a nicely laconic way of expressing that the siege was going really badly for the English. Really, really badly. If I had to guess, I'd say that Margaret's ordeal happened after the siege of Berwick, so probably in October or November 1319. The manor of Cheshunt where she was temporarily besieged had once belonged to Edward II's mother Eleanor of Castile, and passed to her nephew-in-law John of Brittany, earl of Richmond, son of Edward I's sister Beatrice. It still belonged to Richmond in 1319.

Margaret's temporary imprisonment and her rescue the following day by her cousin Eleanor's husband Hugh Despenser raises more questions than it answers. Why was Hugh not with Edward and what was he doing in Hertfordshire? Did Margaret manage to get a messenger to him asking for his help, knowing that he was in the vicinity, or was it mere coincidence that he came to hear of her plight? How did he rescue her? I assume he had a sizeable contingent of men with him; after all, the king's nephew-in-law and chamberlain, then in possession of Eleanor's third of the de Clare fortune, would hardly have travelled without a large retinue. I wonder if there was any fighting, or whether the arrival of a powerful high-ranking nobleman and his men was enough to make the people holding Margaret hostage surrender to Hugh, and to let Margaret go, without any further action necessary. It does strike me as rather unlikely that the chamberlain of the king's household and the wife of the steward of the king's household just happened to be in the same small area of England at the same time by complete chance, especially when the king himself was a couple of hundred miles away in the north. It would be interesting to try to trace the names of some of the men involved and see what connections they may have had to Bartholomew; was this personal, an attempt to hurt Bartholomew himself, planned in advance, or was it more spontaneous, with Margaret taken simply because she was there and convenient, as it were? I really hope the men didn't hurt or assault her too badly, though it must have been a most alarming and unpleasant experience. The original entry on the Patent Roll does say that the crowd of malefactors "assaulted her and her servants," and clearly this was a case of false imprisonment and extortion: the men were intending to hold her hostage until Bartholomew Badlesmere paid them a hundred pounds, a large sum of money (though not that much when shared between so many dozens of people, given the huge risks involved in the whole exercise - how did they all think they were going to get away with it and keep the money?).

As well as the at least fifty or sixty and perhaps more men named as being involved in this incident, several women took part: Idonia de Kent, Margaret le Barber (whose husband John was also involved), Alice le Serjaunt (whose husband John was also involved), Katerina atte Newehouse and Margaret or Margery Scot. In October 1320, ten months later, nineteen men "who were convicted of certain trespasses against Bartholomew de Baddelesmere and Margaret his wife at Chesthunt" were moved from prison at Hertford Castle to the Tower of London, at their own expense, because "Bartholomew has prayed the king to cause them to be transferred to a safer prison, as the said prison [Hertford] is insufficient for their custody." [Calendar of Close Rolls 1318-23, p. 267] Not long after this, Bartholomew Badlesmere joined the Marcher lords and Edward's cousin Thomas of Lancaster in the Contrariant rebellion against Edward II and the Despensers, probably after Edward sent him north to spy on the Marchers' meetings. Edward, who always reacted extremely emotionally to betrayal, thereafter utterly loathed Bartholomew, and pointedly excluded him by name from safe-conducts granted to other Contrariant lords. It is therefore not surprising to note that in November 1321, he pardoned seventeen men and one woman (Margery Scot) "of their outlawry in the county of Hertford" for failing to appear at the original commission of oyer and terminer regarding the "trespass committed by them against Bartholomew de Badelesmere and Margaret his wife" he had ordered two years before. This was done at the request of his first cousin the earl of Richmond, owner of the manor of Cheshunt. [Calendar of Patent Rolls 1321-4, p. 37]

Anyway, it's a most interesting and intriguing event, to my mind, and I rather like the idea of Hugh Despenser being heroic and riding to the rescue of a damsel in distress. It'd be an ideal situation to explore in a novel, and I'd love to read Lady D's fictional take on it!

28 February, 2016

Philippa of Hainault's Romanticising

On 27 August 1326, Edward II's queen Isabella of France arranged the future marriage of her then thirteen-year-old son Edward of Windsor, who became King Edward III of England five months later, and Philippa, daughter of Willem, count of Hainault and Holland and Jeanne de Valois. Philippa was then about twelve, and was her future husband's second cousin: they were both great-grandchildren of Philip III of France and his first queen Isabel of Aragon. They married on or about 25 January 1328, the twentieth wedding anniversary of Edward's parents Edward II and Isabella, and were to be married for forty-one and a half years and to have a dozen children together.

Many years after 1326, Queen Philippa supposedly told the chronicler Jean Froissart that in August 1326, Edward of Windsor preferred her to her sisters and favoured her company over theirs, that she knew him better than her sisters, and that he chose her over them. Froissart says that he heard this romantic tale from directly from Philippa herself, "the good lady who was queen of England" (la bonne damme qui fu royne d'Engleterre), and it has often been repeated in fiction about Edward III and even in some non-fiction as though it is certainly true. What a lovely story, the future king of England, not even fourteen yet (Edward was born on 13 November 1312), spending time with a group of girls, and falling in love with one and choosing her over her sisters as his wife. Awwww. But does it have any basis in reality? Well, not really.

As I pointed out in a recent post, Froissart thought that Philippa was the second of Willem and Jeanne's four daughters, when in fact she was the third of four or the fourth of five. Philippa's older sisters Margareta and Johanna had been married for two and a half years by August 1326: their double wedding to Ludwig of Bavaria and Wilhelm of Jülich took place in Cologne in February 1324. The shadowy other older sister, Sibilla, assuming she had existed at all and was not merely a clerical error in an English document, is highly likely to have been long dead by this point, being only mentioned in 1319. In August 1326, there were two unmarried daughters of the count of Hainault and Holland who could be proposed as future brides for Edward of Windsor: Philippa and her younger sister Isabella, who, given that she later married a man born in the mid-1320s, is unlikely to have been more than a toddler in August 1326. For Edward to prefer the company of a girl close to his own age to that of a toddler or baby is hardly surprising. 

Assuming Froissart recorded Philippa's words correctly, the queen was romanticising later in life when she told him this tale. Either she had genuinely convinced herself that Edward had to choose between herself and her sisters and preferred her, or perhaps she felt she had to make up a pleasant story because the true circumstances surrounding her betrothal could hardly have been less romantic. Given the enormous affection that later grew between the couple and their highly successful marriage of four decades, it is of course not at all unlikely that they did indeed like each other very much and enjoy each other's company in 1326, but Edward of Windsor had no say whatsoever in whom he married, and their betrothal was a hard-headed political decision and had nothing at all to do with the whims and personal wishes of two adolescents. Philippa's betrothal was to do with the provision of ships and mercenaries to carry out an illegal invasion of a sovereign nation, and with the overthrow of her father-in-law by her mother-in-law, and with her fiancé being used as a weapon against his own father. Edward of Windsor and Philippa of Hainault's betrothal was unlawful to boot: Edward at the time was officially engaged to King Alfonso XI of Castile's sister Leonor, and his legal guardian, his father Edward II, stood in firm opposition to the Hainault betrothal and did not consent to it. Philippa's wish to draw a veil over all of this some decades later, and to turn the circumstances around her betrothal into a sweet and pretty romantic fantasy, reveals something of her character. (Again, assuming that Jean Froissart didn't just make it up.) Philippa must have known that her eldest sister Margareta had been proposed as Edward's bride between 1318 and 1321, and that in 1326 she was 'next in line' among the Hainault daughters to marry and of far more suitable age for Edward than her much younger sister Isabella. Queen Philippa rewriting her own past wearing rose-coloured spectacles is all very nice and lovely, but it should be seen for what it is, not repeated as though it's definitely true.

21 February, 2016

Constanza of Castile, Queen of Castile and Leon, Duchess of Lancaster (2)

Second and final part of my post about Constanza; the first part is here.

Far from being ugly or ill-favoured, Constanza of Castile evidently was a very attractive woman: in 1371 at the time of her wedding to John of Gaunt, the author of the Anonimalle chronicle called her 'a very beautiful young lady' (une tresbele damosel). [Anonimalle Chronicle 1333 to 1381, ed. Galbraith, p. 69] The Spanish chronicler Pedro Lopez de Ayala called her mother Maria de Padilla very beautiful and intelligent, and stated that her father Pedro the Cruel was tall and muscular, with very fair hair and skin and blue eyes. So no, Anya Seton, Constanza wasn't some unattractive 'skinny, black-haired' smelly religious fanatic to be contrasted unfavourably to the amazing and fragrant beauty of her husband's mistress Katherine Swynford. (I find that quite revolting, and simply a blatant attempt to manipulate reader sympathy in Swynford's favour.) Judging by the descriptions of Constanza of Castile's father and her daughter Catalina of Lancaster, queen of Castile - Catalina was said to be extremely tall for a woman, and to be 'pink, white and blonde' - it is highly likely that Constanza was blonde-haired, fair-skinned and tall. Henry VIII's first wife Katherine of Aragon was the great-granddaughter of Constanza's daughter Catalina (and was named after her), and also had fair hair. It is often assumed that Queen Katherine must have inherited her fairness from her English ancestors, but as we see here, this is not necessarily the case.

On 9 February 1372, a few weeks after Constanza's arrival in England, her brother-in-law Edward of Woodstock, prince of Wales and Aquitaine, duke of Cornwall and earl of Chester, Edward III's eldest son, hosted a ceremony to mark her official entry into London as queen of Castile. The Anonimalle chronicle says that numerous people attended, keen to 'see the beauty of the young lady.' The procession ended at the Savoy, the great London palace which Constanza's husband John of Gaunt had inherited from his first father-in-law Duke Henry, and where Constanza would now make her home, or rather one of her many homes. A few days before this ceremony, Gaunt had officially proclaimed himself king of Castile and Leon, and thereafter was known as monseignour d'Espaigne, 'my lord of Spain' or more accurately, 'my lord of Castile'. As the elder surviving child of King Pedro of Castile, Constanza was the rightful heir to the throne. Her father had been stabbed to death by his illegitimate half-brother Enrique of Trastamara in March 1369 when he was only thirty-four, and Trastamara now sat on the Castilian throne as King Enrique II, supported by Charles V of France. King Pedro is known to history as 'the Cruel', and although it is beyond all doubt that he was indeed capable of cruelty, not least in his appalling treatment of his unfortunate young wife Blanche of Bourbon, he wasn't as black as he was painted by the propaganda of his supplanters. One of Pedro's more attractive traits, to the modern mind if not to the fourteenth-century one, was his religious tolerance: he called himself king of the three faiths, Christianity, Islam and Judaism, had Muslim and Jewish soldiers in his armies, and hired Muslim craftsmen to design and build his great palace in Seville, the Alcazar. The facade of Pedro's building at the Alcazar declaring 'Only Allah is victorious' in Arabic can be seen to this day.

Pedro's building at the Alcazar in Seville (my photo)

John of Gaunt and Constanza of Castile had only one surviving child together: Catalina, born sometime before 31 March 1373, when her grandfather Edward III paid the messenger (none other than Katherine Swynford; see the first part of this post) who brought him news of her birth. Constanza also bore a son who died in infancy, and may have had miscarriages and stillbirths we don't know about. Catalina had three older half-siblings from her father's first marriage to Blanche of Lancaster: Philippa, queen of Portugal; Elizabeth, duchess of Exeter and countess of Huntingdon; and Henry, King Henry IV of England. Extant letters in John of Gaunt's Registers show that he referred to Catalina as nostre tres chere et tres ame file Kateryne, 'our very dear and beloved daughter Kateryne'. Constanza of Castile's younger sister Isabel married Gaunt's brother Edmund of Langley, earl of Cambridge and later duke of York, in 1372, and had three children, who shared all four grandparents with Catalina of Lancaster: Edward, duke of York, killed at Agincourt in 1415; Constance, named after her aunt (and godmother?) Constanza, who married Thomas Despenser, great-grandson of Hugh the Younger; and Richard, father of Richard, duke of York and grandfather of Edward IV and Richard III. If Isabel of Castile was tall and blonde like her father King Pedro and her niece Catalina of Lancaster, as seems entirely probable, this raises an interesting point about the appearance of her great-grandson the very tall Edward IV and from whom he inherited his height and assumed fairness, as Brian Wainwright points out. There is a possibility that Isabel's youngest child Richard was not the son of her husband Edmund of Langley but of Richard II's half-brother John Holland (who was married to Catalina of Lancaster's half-sister Elizabeth), but that's getting beyond the scope of this post, so I'll leave others to discuss it.

Also in the Alcazar, the baths of Constanza's mother Maria de Padilla.

The baths of Maria de Padilla.
John of Gaunt referred to Constanza in letters as nostre tres chiere et tres amee compaigne la Royne, dame Constance, 'our very dear and beloved companion the queen, Lady Constanza', though this is a conventional form of address and doesn't necessarily say very much about their relationship or his feelings for her. Throughout the 1370s he fathered four children with his mistress Katherine Swynford: John, Thomas, Henry and Joan Beaufort. On 15 May 1372, Gaunt wrote a letter confirming a grant of twenty marks a year to Swynford "for the good and pleasant service which she gives and has given to our very dear companion [Constanza]...and for the very great affection which our said companion has towards the said Katherine." [Gaunt's Register, vol. 1, pp. 169-70] So was the 'very great affection' for Katherine Swynford really Constanza's, or was John of Gaunt putting his own affection for her in the mouth of his wife, unwilling to acknowledge her as his mistress in a formal letter? I don't know, but relations between Constanza and Katherine were doubtless much more complex and interesting than one might assume.

Constanza lived through the Great Uprising of 1381, when a London mob destroyed her and Gaunt's home of the Savoy; Gaunt was deeply unpopular. By good fortune Gaunt was not in London at the time, or his head would surely have ended up at the end of a pike, but his fourteen-year-old son Henry was in the Tower of London and only evaded capture when the mob invaded the Tower because a quick-thinking servant hid him in a cupboard.

John of Gaunt never managed to dislodge Enrique of Trastamara or claim the kingdom of Castile in anything more than name, and finally gave up. Instead, a marriage was arranged between his and Constanza's daughter Catalina and the house of Trastamara, which united the two branches of the Castilian royal family. Enrique of Trastamara, King Enrique II, Constanza's half-uncle who had murdered her father Pedro in March 1369, died on 29 May 1379 and was succeeded by his son Juan I. Juan died at the age of only thirty-two on 9 October 1390, leaving his eleven-year-old son Enrique III as king. Enrique had married Catalina of Lancaster, who was five or six years his senior, a little over two years before. Catalina and Enrique's son King Juan II was the father of the great Isabel, queen of Castile in her own right, who married Ferdinand, king of Aragon, and the grandfather of Henry VIII's first wife Catherine of Aragon.

Constanza of Castile was married to John of Gaunt for twenty-two and a half years. For sure she wasn't the love of his life - he chose to be buried next to his first wife Blanche of Lancaster and married his third wife Katherine Swynford in 1396 after she had been his mistress for many years - but that doesn't necessarily mean that they were unhappy together or that Gaunt (or Swynford for that matter) despised his second wife. Constanza knew how things worked; she herself was born illegitimately to her father's mistress while his wife languished in the prison he had put her in, and wouldn't have expected a love marriage or her husband to be faithful to her. She died on 24 March 1394, aged forty or almost, and was buried at the Collegiate Church of the Annunciation of Our Lady in the Newarke at Leicester, which her husband's first father-in-law Duke Henry had founded and where he (Henry) was buried. The year 1394 took a heavy toll on the women of the English royal family: as well as Constanza, Richard II's queen Anne of Bohemia died at the age of only twenty-eight, and so did Mary de Bohun, wife of Constanza's stepson the future Henry IV and mother of Henry V, who was even younger. Personally, I think Constanza of Castile should be remembered as a heck of a lot more than merely the obstacle standing in the way of John of Gaunt and Katherine Swynford's Amazing Love Affair, who finally does the decent thing and removes herself from the path of True Love by dying and allowing them to finally fulfil their romantic destiny. She was the daughter, daughter-in-law and mother-in-law of kings, queen of Castile in her own right (even if she never sat on the throne because her uncle murdered her father) and was the great-great-great-grandmother of Mary I Tudor, queen of England, and the great-grandmother of the great Isabel la Catolica, also queen of Castile in her own right and one of the most powerful women of the European Middle Ages.

16 February, 2016

The Date of Birth and Siblings of Philippa of Hainault, Queen of England

King Edward III of England married Philippa of Hainault in York on 24 or 25 January 1328, just about exactly on his parents' twentieth wedding anniversary (Edward II and Isabella of France married in Boulogne on 25 January 1308). The young king was fifteen at the time of his wedding, born on 13 November 1312. Philippa's age and date of birth are unknown for certain; here's a post about it, and about her siblings and their birth order.

The first thing to note is that we do not know Philippa's date of birth for certain. The date often ascribed to her online, including on her Wiki page, is 24 June 1314, but this is merely the date of birth of her eldest sister Margareta wrongly assigned to Philippa coupled with an assumption (a reasonable one, admittedly) that she was born in 1314. I repeat: there is no record of Philippa of Hainault's exact, or even approximate, date of birth, so if you see someone claiming she was born on 24 June 1314, either they've stolen a march on all other historians by finding a contemporary document which records the date (highly unlikely) or they haven't done their research properly (infinitely more likely). Neither was Philippa the second daughter of her parents, as is usually stated. This is based on a statement by the chronicler Jean Froissart, who gives the names of the sisters as Margareta, Philippa, Johanna and Isabella, in that order (in the original spelling, Margerite, Phelippe, Jehanne et Ysabiel). Froissart was wrong; Philippa was the third or fourth daughter of her parents. She also had one brother, Willem, as well as several other siblings who died in infancy and whom I won't deal with here.

Before examining the evidence for Philippa's date of birth and the birth order of her and her sisters, I'm going to take a quick look at her background. Philippa's father was Willem, born in about 1286 or 1287 and count of Hainault and Holland in the Low Countries. He inherited Hainault from his father, grandfather and a long family line of counts of Hainault, and Holland from his father, who had inherited it from his cousin Floris V's son Count Jan I when Jan died childless aged fifteen in 1299, having been married to Edward I and Eleanor of Castile's youngest daughter Elizabeth. Philippa's mother Jeanne de Valois was the third child and second daughter of Charles, count of Valois, brother of Philip IV of France, and his first wife Marguerite of Anjou-Naples. Charles and Marguerite's first daughter Isabelle, who married the future Duke John III of Brittany and died when she was seventeen before her husband succeeded his father, was born in 1292, and their first son King Philip VI of France in 1293. Jeanne therefore was probably born in 1294 or 1295, unless she was a twin of Isabelle or Philip. Three more children – the countess of Blois, the count of Alençon and a daughter who died in infancy – followed Jeanne before the premature death of Marguerite of Anjou-Naples (eldest daughter of Edward I's first cousin Charles, king of Naples, and Marie of Hungary), aged about twenty-six, in 1299. Philippa of Hainault, via her mother, was the niece of Philip VI of France and the great-niece of Philip IV. Her mother was the first cousin of Edward II's queen Isabella, Philip IV's daughter, which meant that Philippa and her husband Edward III were second cousins. Jeanne de Valois and Count Willem of Hainault and Holland married at Chauny in Picardy, northern France on 19 May 1305, the year after Willem succeeded his father. Jeanne cannot have been more than thirteen and was probably only ten or eleven; Willem was about eighteen.

Given Jeanne de Valois's youth at the time of her marriage in 1305, she is unlikely to have given birth much before 1310. She and Count Willem had several children, mostly daughters; establishing their exact number, birth order and the date of birth of their daughter Queen Philippa is tricky. They had a son Willem who was their only son to live past infancy and who died childless in 1345, and Margareta must have been their eldest daughter, as she inherited the counties of Hainault and Holland on the younger Willem's death. Margareta was born on 24 June 1310 or 24 June 1311. This date is based on a famous description of her by Walter Stapeldon, bishop of Exeter, when he visited Hainault in 1319 to negotiate for a marriage between Margareta and Edward of Windsor, the future Edward III of England. The girl described was not Philippa, as is often assumed, though the description has sometimes, bizarrely, been used as 'evidence' that Philippa was England's first black queen, which is absolute nonsense. Stapledon wrote that the girl he met being considered as the future king of England's bride, almost certainly Margareta, though it might also have been Sibilla (see below; Stapeldon would have done us all a big favour if he'd bothered to record the girl's name), would become nine years old at the next Nativity of John the Baptist, which is 24 June. Depending on when in 1319 he wrote this, it means that Margareta was born on or shortly before 24 June 1310 or 24 June 1311. [See Ian Mortimer, The Perfect King, pp. 403-4] 24 June or a little before was Margareta's birthday, not Philippa's.

Margareta, as she ultimately inherited the counties of Hainault and Holland on her brother's death, was certainly the eldest daughter (or in the interests of strict accuracy, let's say at least the eldest surviving daughter) of Willem and Jeanne. This is beyond doubt. The second daughter was not Philippa, however, but Johanna, as the chronicle of 'Willelmi, capellani in Brederode' states: it twice calls Johanna the secunda filia of Count Willem. [Willelmi, capellani in Brederode, postea monachi et procuratoris egmondensis chronicon, ed. Cornelis Pijnacker Hordijk, pp. 145, 244] Margareta and Johanna married in a double wedding in Cologne on 26 February 1324; Philippa wasn't betrothed to Edward of Windsor until August 1326 and married him in January 1328, which also makes it virtually certain that she was younger than Johanna. Margareta married Ludwig or Louis von Wittelsbach, duke of Bavaria and Holy Roman Emperor. She was twelve or thirteen at the time of her wedding in February 1324, depending on whether she was born in June 1310 or June 1311, and Ludwig, born in 1282, was much her senior, older than her parents, in fact. The second sister Johanna married Wilhelm, later duke of Jülich, in February 1324. It is possible, though I'm only speculating here, that Margareta and Johanna were twins, with Margareta the elder and her father's ultimate heir. If not, then Johanna must have been born in 1312 or 1313 and been only ten or eleven at marriage (her husband Wilhelm of Jülich was born in about 1300).

Count Willem of Hainault and Holland had, between 1318 and 1321, been involved in negotiations with King Edward II of England regarding the future marriage of one of Willem's daughters and Edward's son Edward of Windsor, the future Edward III. Although Edward III later married Philippa, she was not the daughter in question at this time, as is sometimes assumed. A marriage between England and Hainault was on the cards sometime before 10 December 1318, when Edward II asked Pope John XXII to issue a dispensation for his son Edward and Willem's daughter Margareta to marry; they needed one as they were second cousins, both great-grandchildren of Philip III of France and Isabel of Aragon. [Foedera 1307-27, p. 381] To complicate matters, however, there was apparently another sister, Sibilla, who on 2 November 1319 was named as the potential future bride of Edward of Windsor, not Margareta, in various letters sent by Edward II. Either Sibilla had been substituted for her sister, or this was an error by Edward II's clerk, who carelessly named the count of Hainault as Robert instead of William in the letters (the count of nearby Flanders was called Robert, so presumably he mixed the names up). [Foedera, p. 405] On 9 November 1320, in a further letter about the potential betrothal of Edward of Windsor into Hainault, Margareta was again named as the future bride, though a frustrated Edward II merely referred to 'your daughter', unnamed, in yet another letter to Count Willem about the matter on 30 March 1321. [Foedera, pp. 437, 446] Edward II was still evidently keen on the alliance well over two years after it was first proposed, but Willem had for some reason grown cold on the idea. The king of England gave up and began negotiating with King Jaime II of Aragon for a match for his son (which ultimately also proved unsuccessful). Her proposed English marriage having failed, Magareta married Ludwig von Wittelsbach in 1324.

Sybil or Sibilla could be used as a pet name for women and girls named Isabella in the fourteenth century, rather than being an independent name. Philippa of Hainault certainly had a sister named Isabella, but she must have been considerably younger than Philippa, as she married Robert of Namur, son of John I, count of Namur. Robert was born in about 1323 or 1326, and is thus unlikely to have married a girl born before 1320, an age gap which would have been considered too great given that it would have limited the number of Isabella and Robert's fertile years together. The Sibilla mentioned in English documents of 1319 may therefore have been yet another sister, and she probably died as a child or adolescent as she does not appear again in any other known source of the period and did not marry. (Unless she was simply a figment of an inattentive English clerk's imagination.) Philippa of Hainault therefore had two or three older sisters, Margareta, Johanna and perhaps Sibilla, as well as a younger sister Isabella, born in the 1320s and perhaps named after her dead older sister Sibilla and ultimately after their great-grandmother Isabel of Aragon, first wife of Philip III of France.

As mentioned above, it is possible that there was a set of twins among the sisters, perhaps Margareta and Johanna (as they married on the same day in 1324) or Margareta and Sibilla (as they were both proposed as brides for the king of England's son), with Margareta as the elder twin who inherited Hainault and Holland. But we don't and can't know that for sure. Their brother, called Willem after their father, married Johanna of Brabant, eldest child and ultimate heir of Edward II's nephew Duke John III of Brabant, but had no children with her. The younger Willem's date of birth is not known; presumably in the mid to late 1310s, or even after 1320. His wife Johanna was born in 1322. Margareta, Johanna and Philippa were the only three Hainault siblings who had children (Johanna's daughter Elisabeth of Jülich married Edward II's nephew John, earl of Kent, the posthumous son of Edward's half-brother Edmund of Woodstock).

1314 seems to me a reasonable year of birth for Philippa of Hainault, though when exactly in that year is impossible to say. Jean Froissart says she was 'on the point of becoming fourteen' when she married Edward III, but as he says that Edward was seventeen at the time when actually he was fifteen and gets the birth order of Philippa and her sisters wrong, we shouldn't necessarily place too much weight on that. Anyway, it seems likely to me that Philippa was about thirteen or fourteen at the time of her wedding in January 1328 and fifteen or sixteen when she gave birth to her eldest child Edward of Woodstock on 15 June 1330. Her youngest child Thomas of Woodstock was born on 7 January 1355, when she would have been forty or so, and she died on 15 August 1369, in her mid-fifties.

14 February, 2016

Happy Valentine's Day!

Courtesy of the Valentine Generator, and remembering this post, here is Isabella of France's Valentine card to her husband Edward II in 1313, using words from my forthcoming biography of Isabella.

To my pious postern gate,

You are the destrier of my Greyfriars Church. I want to consolidate with you more than any drought in the whole cherries.

The first time we suckled, I felt predictable in my arm, and I was so distraught that I could barely banish. I knew that we would bribe together for Terce until Vespers.

Whenever you revoke, it makes me conspire amicably and flaunt like a virile discontent.

I will joust with you unspeakably until the rebellion seizes and the Household Ordinance negotiates.

Enamelled Valentine's Day!

Love, your sulky Lucca cloth.

And, because I'm in a silly mood today, some anagrams, from here:

Edward of Caernarfon
forewarned fad acorn
forwarded farce anon
forwarded fear canon
forwarded oaf canner

Edward II, king of England
reawakening find old dig
reawakening fold gin dig
I faded a rekindling gown
on a faded rekindling wig

Isabella of France, queen of England
a conquerable offending fallen sea
a false conquerable offending lane
no conquerable deafening safe fall

Piers Gaveston, earl of Cornwall
a waterproofing coveralls lens
waterproofing loveless carnal
waterproofing enclave ass roll

Roger Mortimer, earl of March
refrigerator charm room elm
geometrical harm from error
rigmarole retch reform rom
remarriage chloroform term
lightface armorer mom error

Hugh Despenser, lord of Glamorgan
profoundness haggled her glamor
profoundness herd hog germ gall
profoundness harem hag egg droll